Dale W. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. During the early Soviet period and the Cold War, it was commonly viewed as ideologically driven, of little originality or merit, and outside of the norms and conventions of disinterested scholarship. Yet, this operation entails a kind of historical streamlining that risks occluding the intellectual history of the twentieth century and impoverishing a historical social science that is still in the process of formation, by omitting or ignor- ing real accomplishments of scholars in the Eastern Bloc or at least those who cannot be assimilated into western conventions that were achieved under conditions very different from those in the West. Centered on the comparative history of modern revolutions, Kossok and his colleagues were particularly con- cerned to specify the relation between bourgeois revolutions in Europe and the independence movements in Latin America. They elaborated a distinct methodological approach to comparison and undertook a remarkable and extensive project of comparative re- search.
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Biography[ edit ] Provenance and an itinerant childhood[ edit ] Walter Karl Hugo Markov [a] was born into a Protestant family in Graz , an industrial and administrative city along the mainline between Vienna and Trieste , in the heart of what was still at that time the Austro-Hungarian empire.
The family was Austrian, albeit with ancestral origins in several different parts of the empire. Franz Mulec — , his father, was a sales representative working for the Deutsches Kalisyndikat potash fertiliser producer. Franz Mulac came from a Slovenian farming family that had been present in Lower Styria since at least as far back as the eighteenth century.
She came from Vienna and was the daughter of a businessman who worked in the printing sector. As a result of her family background she would always regard herself as a true "German German" "Reichsdeutsche".
For the rest of the war they returned to Graz where Markov attended a "protestant private school". In they went back to Laibach. He received financial support from the Austrian branch of the evangelical Gustav Adolf Association and therefore added Theology to his studies, taking care to ensure that, as far as his sponsors were concerned, his principal focus was not on History but on Theology.
He writes of a cycling tour undertaken in the Rhineland during the summer vacation: the tour was not without disappointments.
After his Rhineland cycling tour Markov began to find life in Leipzig unattractive: "So unlike the Rhine Less than a year after that cycle tour, in March he took the train to Cologne. His sponsors at the Gustav Adolf Association had accepted that his talents and preferences led him towards History rather than Theology, and recommended Cologne University or, failing that, Bonn even though in Catholic Cologne an evangelical Theology faculty did not even exist.
Following his transfer to Cologne he was assigned lodgings at a parsonage in Roggendorf , more than 50 km nearly an hour by train from the city centre.
He was to combine his university studies with work as a home tutor. Roggendorf was on the edge of Zone A the demilitarised zone , while Cologne was still in Zone B, occupied by French forces since the end of war. However, for the history student there were no difficulties encountered in crossing between the two zones.
Nevertheless, the distance was too great for daily university attendance, and he missed many lectures. A particular influence during his time at Cologne was the left-wing economic historian Bruno Kuske who did not shy away from a positive assessment of Soviet economic performance since the October revolution. He was also impressed by Johannes Ziekursch , a specialist on the history of Silesia , who delighted Markov with his trenchantly critical evaluation of the iconic Prussian king, Frederick the Great.
However, at the end of the Roggendorf parson died and his widow gave up on her duties as a landlady. Berlin was the fulcrum of the polarised politics and gridlocked parliamentary process that would lead, two years later, to the cancellation of democracy in Germany. It is not clear that in Berlin he was particularly diligent in attending lectures. As a student of political history Markov nevertheless enjoyed a ringside seat for the accelerating collapse of what Adolf Hitler had scornfully derided at a party rally in as the "Republic of Weimar".
His own political sympathies lay not with the National Socialists , nor with the shrinking band of political moderates, but with the Communists. Salomon , an expert on eastern European medieval history. Unfortunately the Hitler government had taken power in January.
They lost no time in translating the ugly antisemitic rhetoric of their opposition campaigning into a pillar of government strategy. Salomon was Jewish which made his professorial position untenable. He would be formally removed from his academic post in March It was Salomon who recommended that Markov should now move to the University of Bonn and complete his doctoral work under the supervision of the "brilliant" "in allen Farben Markov now took the train with his bicycle to Bonn in October , spending his first night there in a youth hostel.
He was filled with confidence that Kern was "the director of the only Institute for Universal History in Germany", he had found his doctoral supervisor of choice. Admiration was evidently mutual. In the dangerous atmosphere of the times they initially dealt with one another cautiously, but once satisfied that they really were both on the same side they formed the nucleus of what became a five-man party resistance cell.
The fourth member of the group was Arthur Toynbee , eldest son to the celebrated English philosopher-historian. The fifth man was a theology graduate called Hans Schadow. In the new Germany Schadow was doomed to be something of an outsider and therefore a government opponent: his family came from Niedamowo near Danzig , and he had been unable to demonstrate to the authorities that all four of his grandparents came from good German stock. He had therefore never been issued with an Aryan certificate "Ariernachweis".
They agreed to a monthly subscription of two marks each, in order to build up a "fighting fund". Markov, who had a university post, managed to have their meetings in the room in the tower listed as a Russian course, and the university, therefore, provided a five hundred mark payment to cover the summer term. It was both a strength and a weakness of the cellular structure of communist resistance groups that the Markov group had no contact at all with the persecuted communist party officers of the Bonn subdistrict "Unterbezirk Bonn" , nor with the banned Communist student group "Kostufra".
Appropriate leaflets were drafted. One source for the texts was leaflets that the ever travel-hungry Markov had picked up in Luxembourg in March , when he had taken a bus to the Grand Duchy in connection with a "World Cup Qualifying Match" involving the German national football team. They gathered more material when Markov, Meschke, Toynbee and Schadow took a cycling trip to the Saarland which had been under French military occupation since and was therefore, for most purposes, beyond the reach of the German security services.
While they were in the Saarland Markov took the precaution of opening a bank account with a French bank which he thought might be of use in the future. Eventually, they managed to establish a link with the underground Communist Party. This came about through Hannes Schmidt who by now was engaged to a woman classified by the authorities as a half-Jew.
As a drummer and jazz fan, Schmidt had acquired some "street credibility" in local "Bohemian" circles. Schmidt was able to make contact with a pharmacist called Charlie Fromme and a bookshop owner called Karl Limbach — in October , which turned out to be the long-awaited contact with the party leadership for the local subregion "Unterbezirksleitung".
It turned out that by this time Walter Markov was also under surveillance by the security services. Someone present had thought it worthwhile to report details of the conversation, in which Markov had participated, to the authorities. Nevertheless, Markov was not arrested during and the group remained unmolested by the authorities, suggesting that at this stage they still were not minded to take the Markov group very seriously.
Markov, whose middle names were "Karl" and "Hugo" took to using the initials "CH" to sign his articles in the resistance newspaper "Sozialistische Republik" for which he had himself chosen the title and which for the time being was filled almost exclusively with his own contributions.
By now his home was under surveillance and mail was being intercepted. This was done so openly that Markov later speculated that it was not the government directed Gestapo who were responsible, but good local Catholics from the Bonn city police department trying to warn him of the danger in which he was placing himself.
Sources indicate that in the end the Markov group were betrayed by people believed to be fellow communists who were involved in carrying illicit party mail. Hans Schadow was arrested on the evening of 8 February Markov the next day. Markov at this stage still held a Yugoslav passport, and might easily have been able to escape, but that was not how matters turned out. Meschke was sentenced to a six-month jail term and Schadow to twelve months. Possibly because he was identified as the leader of the group, Markov was sentenced to twelve years.
Most of the sentence — according to one source eight years of it — was spent in solitary confinement. He remained loyal to Stalin and rejected privileges such as a razor. He refused to submit voluntarily to medical or dental care.
He welcomed the chance to network with other prisoners, and not just the communists. One of his friends on the inside was Michael Jovy. Fritz Kern was by now turning out to be a valuable friend in time of trouble. Some months later he handed over 2, Marks with which Markov would be able to purchase two loaded pistols on the black market that was operating inside the prison.
In the face of many setbacks, including a serious Typhus outbreak, the transfer of fellow inmates on whose support he had been counting, the retaliatory shooting dead of three fellow inmates from Luxembourg following an attack and intense overcrowding, Markov championed the idea of an armed uprising among the inmates against the prison staff.
As matters turned out, it was only a matter of a few days before American troops appeared on the outskirts of Siegburg that Walter Markov and some companions succeeded in overpowering the prison guards and managers. When the Americans arrived they installed Markov and a selected team of political prisoners to run the prison in place of the overpowered former guards.
The priority, for the Americans, was to keep the inmates inside the prison, because they were fearful that once released the infected inmates would unleash an indiscriminate Typhus epidemic on the civilian population and occupying forces alike in Bonn and the surrounding area. He was taken into various hospitals and facilities outside Siegburg , but in June was able to return to Bonn , the city where he had been building his academic career more than ten years ago before he was arrested.
He found a centrally located room which he was able to rent as a sub-tenant. He was unable to return to a permanent post at the university , however. The university rector was now Heinrich Konen who was unwilling to back an application from an avowed antifascist who was even now devoting his energies to rebuilding the no longer illegal Communist Party. In the event, whatever plans may originally have existed for the political merger to be implemented across the four occupation zones, it was never implemented outside the Soviet occupation zone.
In the three western zones the SED was viewed with suspicion, as a thinly disguised tool of Soviet expansionist aspirations. Although Markov may still, in , have been undecided about his future career trajectory, he will have been aware that his SED membership closed off many career options in the universities sector of the three occupation zones that would be joined together and relaunched, in , as the German Federal Republic West Germany. He rejected the idea partly because he believed his family had been insufficiently resolute in opposing the National Socialists during the German occupation.
He did, during , make several trips to Berlin. At the conference he was able to make himself noticed by giving a reply to the speech of welcome given by Anton Ackermann , a leading member of the team engaged since in implementing a well planned nation-building exercise under the supervision of the military administration and the leadership of Walter Ulbricht. Shortly after the conference Markov received two job offers: one came from the University of Greifswald in the extreme northeast of the Soviet zone and the other came from the University of Leipzig in Saxony.
He chose Leipzig, he later explained, because the university rector that year was the distinguished philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer. She had moved to Leipzig to study. One source identifies her as a librarian. The goal was to chart a future for Germany. There was talk of "a third way" and of a "synthesis between east and west". There was an underlying assumption that military occupation would not last forever, and that when it came to an end there should be a realistic set of plans in place for a strong Germany, united in a spirit of rejection against any possible revival of National Socialism.
The topic of his dissertation was the "basics of Balkan diplomacy" and the various relationships and interdependencies between the Balkan states. An increasingly nervous party leadership suddenly accused him of " Titoism " and " Objectivism " in January This may have arisen at least in part out of a reading of his habilitation dissertation on the complexities of nineteenth and twentieth-century rivalries in the Balkans.
Markov was now excluded from the party. Irene Markov retained her membership. At the same time, he was stripped of his official and prestigious status as a Victim of Nazi Persecution "Verfolgter des Naziregimes". He was permitted to maintain his academic career. Nevertheless, his field of study abruptly changed from the nineteenth and twentieth century Political and Diplomatic History of the Balkans to an intensive study of the Fourth Estate in pre-revolutionary and revolutionary France.
Slightly unusually, there seems never to have been a signed written declaration of commitment. Rauch reports that Markov was constantly nervous of damaging his personal relationships with friends and academic colleagues in other universities: Rauch was understanding.
La Ilusión heróica : colonialismo, revolución, independencias en la obra de Manfred Kossok
Markov, a specialist in the history of the French Revolution, had spent 11 years in a Nazi prison, where the library contained a huge number of books on colonial problems and especially German colonial ventures. Kossok became the main Latin Americanist in that group, and after studying with Markov, he went to the University of Cologne to study the colonial history of Latin America with Richard Konetzke, the dean of German Latin American historians. He then wrote a second dissertation Habilitationsschrift that was published under the title Im Schatten der heiligen Allianz In the Shadow of the Holy Alliance, Kossok during that same time wrote a pathbreaking essay on Nazi policy toward Latin America, based on hitherto unpublished sources available in East Germany.
Manfred Kossok y la revolución latinoamericana - LaRepúblicaCultural.es - Revista Digital